May 2016
Following popular demonstrations in
late February across Baghdad’s Green Zone, the Iranian regime became extremely
concerned of the Iraqi people’s demands for reform. Through its operatives in
Iraq Tehran went to great limits divert the reform project. The issue of
corruption under former prime minister Nouri al-Maliki and setting aside
judiciary chief Mid’hat Mahmoud were the pillar concerns for Iran, leading the
regime to continue its attempts to stonewall all measures to establish a
technocrat cabinet, place the reform project before various dilemmas and buy
time for its own conspiracies in Iraq. The goal pursued by Tehran was to kick
the can down the road and prevent any formation of a technocrat cabinet –
specifically demanded by the people – and return to the sectarian-polarized
quota cabinet based on agreements made between ruling parties.
Through its ambassador in Iraq,
Danaie-Far, Iran called on Maliki to highlight the demand of setting aside
three senior government leaders to thus divert the pressure from voting on a
proposed cabinet to dissolving the parliament, setting aside the parliament and
prime minister. To this end Tehran sought to have the technocrat cabinet mantra
completely forgotten and make it a matter of history. For this very objective,
Maliki held a meeting on April 12th with a number of his associated
MPs in an attempt to convince other MPs and gather signatures to provide a
legal cover for his campaign of setting aside leaders of the three senior officials
and branches.
Iran’s ambassador in Iraq had time
and again warned Maliki and his inner circle that adopting a technocrat cabinet
will pave the path for changes in the judiciary and opening dossiers related to
corruption, and Mid’hat Mahmoud and Maliki will not be exemplified in this
regard. Therefore, they must use all their means to prevent any reforms and no
slate of minister candidates proposed by the government to the parliament
should be accepted. This will lead to an “agreed” cabinet to resolve the threats
facing the future of the judiciary and Maliki.
Iranian regime officials in their
meetings with Maliki have suggested he should refrain from publicly oppose the
reform project as this would erupt popular dissent and reactions. However, to
stonewall the reform initiative, Maliki should show himself to be apparently in
line with the reform project. On April 13th Maliki launched a
demonstration in Baghdad organized by the State of Law, Dawa Party and Asaeb
Ahl al-Haq. Playing the main role in this demonstration, Maliki took advantage
of the wave of popular protests and under the pretext of people’s demands he
called for setting aside the three senior government officials. He raised this
demand in the demonstrations and through the protesting MPs in the parliament.
Despite the fact that the second list
of al-Abadi’s proposed cabinet was an agreed slate of candidates prepared by
political factions, Iran once again through its envoy in Iraq completely
opposed the initiative. Iran assessed the “Islamic Republic of Iraq” will have
no place in the parliament and will effectively be eliminated from Iraq’s
political spectrum.
To divert the project seeking to
reshape the cabinet that was against Iran’s interests in Iraq, Revolutionary
Guards Quds Force chief Qassem Suleimani visited Iraq on March 30th to
meet with all Shiite coalition leaders and convince them not to vote for any
slate other the agreed slate.
In his meetings Suleimani called on
Shiite leaders that considering the widespread popular support of Sadr’s measures,
they must be very careful in their political positions to not portray the
Shiite coalition as against the reforms.
In a meeting with Maliki and a number
of senior Shiite leaders in Jaderiya, Suleimani said the technocrat cabinet
slate presented to the parliament effectively means Iran having no influence in
the future Iraqi cabinet, and such a cabinet must not obtain a vote of approval
in the parliament. He called on senior Shiite coalition leaders to resort to
different methods to prevent the adoption of this slate by the parliament.
Suleimani, accompanied by senior Quds
Force commander Iraj Masjedi, attempted to inform senior Shiite coalition
leaders of the threats of a technocrat cabinet coming to power in Iraq.
Suleimani, however, saw his efforts failing in Iraq and returned to Iran
empty-handed. Masjedi continued his drive to obtain an agreement of the cabinet
shuffling to include only three or four ministries. However, his efforts were
also futile.
The policy Iran is pursuing through
various political trends in the Shiite coalition is to first buy time, prevent
the adoption of a cabinet slate proposed by Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi,
and impose so many changes in the proposed slate of ministers to effectively
delay this process for a very long time and eventually have it completely
forgotten. Suleimani emphasized to Maliki and his inner circle that if talks,
negotiations and an agreement with other political factions fail to prevent the
adoption of a technocrat cabinet, they must plunge Iraq into newer crises to
sideline the technocrat cabinet bid.
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