December 2015
One method Iran is imposing its hegemony in
Iraq is through militia groups. Prior to 2012 before the departure of U.S.
forces from Iraq these entities had diminished to a significant extent and had
little military power in Iraq. Following the departure of U.S. forces, Iran’s
puppet in Iraq former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki provided political
power, arms and equipment the U.S. was providing for Iraq’s army and police,
all at Tehran’s behest. Currently in Iraq one can truly say that these groups
are much more powerful than the Iraqi army.
After the fall of Mosul, Tikrit and al-Anbar
provinces to ISIS, and Baghdad being on the brink of certain overthrow, the
Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) was formed based on orders issued by Grand
Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the highest Shiite figure in Iraq. A call was placed
on all youths and people to register in the PMF to defend Iraq against ISIS and
to take part in various fronts. Iran took advantage of this opportunity and by
absorbing PMF volunteers into militia groups they were organized and provided
training. This led to the unimaginable growth of power for the militia groups
in Iraq. These groups received money from the Iraqi government to resolve the
issues of the PMF, and this became a very serious source of income for them.
These groups forged the numbers of volunteers to receive enormous amounts of
money from the government of Prime Minister Dr. Haider al-Abadi.
In November al-Abadi’s rifts with the PMF
increased on a daily basis, with the PMF budget and this force having a free
hand in all military affairs forming the epicenter of this quarrel. This is
completely against al-Abadi’s policy in line with imposing hegemony over the
PMF and taking control over this force. From late October to this day PMF
deputy Abu Mahdi al-Mohandess has met with al-Abadi on three different
occasions discussing the status of the PMF. The high number of meetings between
Mohandess and al-Abadi shows the extent of their divides over the PMF. Below
are a few examples of these differences between the two men:
1. al-Abadi is not willing to allow the PMF
to be present and flex their muscles in Sunni areas. Al-Abadi’s policy is to
adopt the National Guard and/or the National Defense bill to thus allow each
province to take control over its own military status.
2. Due to the presence of U.S. forces in
al-Anbar Province and the limitations this poses for the militia groups,
currently these units have no hegemony in al-Anbar and have been set aside from
the operations aimed at liberating Ramadi from ISIS. U.S. forces have to this
day finalized training and armed Sunni units in al-Anbar Province. These forces
are currently fighting alongside government forces in al-Anbar in the attacks
against ISIS.
3. One of the divides al-Abadi has with the
militia groups is their taking advantage of the Iraqi government’s military
assets. Military arms and equipment provided by the U.S. for the Iraqi army and
police (such as M1A1 Abrams main battle tanks, HUMVEE military vehicles and …)
have been transferred by these militia groups to Syria where they are used
against Syrian opposition forces.
4.
The subject of the militia groups’ budget has become a major rift between
al-Abadi and Mohandess (a terrorist wanted by the U.S.). According to the
calculations made by the Iraqi government and the statistics that al-Abadi has
from this force the total number of militia and PMF members range between
50,000 to 60,000. However, Mohandess has calculated the PMF forces at 110,000
and is demanding a budget based on these numbers. He is seeking to get his
hands on this kind of money to purchase the arms needed for the PMF.
5. In late-November Mohandess had prior to
his meeting with al-Abadi he had gone to see Iranian ambassador to Baghdad,
Hassan Danaie-far. The issues raised in the meeting between Mohandess and
al-Abadi reflects the policy Iran is pursuing regarding the PMF.
6. Mohandess in his meeting with al-Abadi on
November 23rd raised the militia and PMF’s deep resent over
al-Abadi’s policies regarding the PMF, and the fact that this resent will lead
to unpredictable consequences. He was literally threatening al-Abadi.
7. The militia groups and how they are
treated is the main dispute between the Iranian regime and al-Abadi. Mohandess
has asked al-Abadi to visit Tehran to resolve these differences, yet al-Abadi
has said he has no problems with the Iranian regime.
8. The issue of the budget and arms for the
PMF has remained one of the unresolved matters in Iraq. Al-Abadi is only
willing to provide the budget and arms demanded by the PMF that they merge into
the Ministry of Defense and be placed under the hegemony of this ministry; this
is a condition completely unacceptable for the Iranian regime.
9. al-Abadi in his meeting with Mohandess told
him specifically that currently Iraq is at war and the differences between the
militia groups and PMD on one side and the government forces on the other are
not anything very significant. However, when the war is over there is no
possibility of a military force parallel to government forces in Iraq and
having its own set of policies and orders.
10. Currently, al-Abadi enjoys no
significant control over the PMF and militia groups, and Tehran through
Mohandess and Hadi al-Ameri is pursuing its own policies with the PMF. As a
result, their disputes and divides with al-Abadi are increasing in this regard.
Evaluation
1. After Maliki was set aside and al-Abadi
came to power the PMF became one of the main leverages for Iran to pursue its
policies in Iraq, and Tehran has invested heavily on this force.
2. al-Abadi still needs the militia groups
and PMF in the war against ISIS, and he doesn’t want to set them aside.
3. al-Abadi’s policy is to have the militia
groups and PMF under the umbrella of state armed forces. However, the Iranian
regime is completely against such a move.
4. al-Abadi will accept arming the militia
groups and PMF under the framework of the armed forces. However, the PMF is
seeking weapons equal to that of the army in order to use them to follow the
regime’s goals in this regard.
5. Militia groups are attempting to place
al-Abadi under pressure, yet their policies are not to exactly be in too much
of a dispute with al-
Abadi.
Abadi.
6. al-Abadi is insisting on not using
militia units and the PMF in Sunni areas; the same policy the Americans are
demanding from him.
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